Hver er hann og hvað gerir hann "öfga?"

Wiki?

"He ran on his promise of "putting Austria first" and won the first round with 35.1 percent of the vote.^[5][1][6] The 24 April vote total was the best-ever result for the Freedom Party at federal level since 1945.^[1] Hofer, in the 24 April vote, benefited from the recent migrant crisis, where around 90,000 migrants applied for asylum in Austria, straining the country’s resources and public empathy.^[7]"

Svo hann er praktískur.

"The Freedom Party have opposed the government’s original “welcoming culture” and since the summer of 2015 have led all opinion polls.^[7]Hofer, a self-proclaimed Margaret Thatcher fan, campaigned to dissolve Parliament in order to call new elections.^[8] During the campaign he also stated that he would refuse to approve certain laws, such as a planned free-trade agreement between the European Union and the United States, and that he may attend, along with Austrian ChancellorWerner Faymann, EU summits.^[9]"

Af hverju?  Þetta virðist vera góð hugmynd.

Ekki mikið að sjá þarna annars.

Skoðum frelsisflokkinn: (stolið beint af wiki:)

Ideology

Under the leadership of Heinz-Christian Strache, the FPÖ has focused on describing itself as a Heimat and social party. This means that the party promotes its role as a guarantor of Austrian identity and social welfare. Economically, it supports regulated liberalism with privatisation and low taxes, combined with support for the welfare state; however, it maintains that it will be impossible to uphold the welfare state if current immigration policies are continued.^[69]

Individual freedom

The principle of individual freedom in society was already one of the central points in the FPÖ (and VdU's) programme during the 1950s. The party did not regard its liberalism and its pan-German, nationalist positions as contradictory. From the late 1980s through the 1990s, the party developed economically, supporting tax reduction, less state intervention and more privatisation. In the late 2000s, the party combined this position with support for the welfare state. It criticised unemployment and alleged welfare-state abuse by immigrants which, it said, threatened the welfare state and pensioners' benefits.^[79]

Anti-establishment

During the 1980s and 1990s, Austrian voters became increasingly disaffected with the rule by the two major parties (SPÖ and ÖVP). This coincided with the leadership of Haider, who presented the FPÖ as the only party which could seriously challenge the two parties' dominance. The party strongly criticised the power concentrated in the hands of the elite, until the FPÖ joined the government in 2000. In the 1990s the party advocated replacing the present Second Austrian Republic with a Third Republic, since it sought a radical transformation from "a party state to a citizens' democracy." The party wanted to provide more referendums, directly elect the federal president, significantly reduce the number of ministries, and devolve power to the federal states and local councils. Surveys have shown that anti-establishment positions were one of the top reasons for voters to vote for the FPÖ. Its anti-establishment position proved incompatible with being in government during the first half of the 2000s, but was renewed after most of the parliamentary group left to join the BZÖ in 2005.^[80]

Immigration and Islam

Immigration was not a hot-button issue in Austria until the 1980s. Under Haider's leadership, on the list of most important issues for voters immigration went from being practically non-existent before 1989, to the 10th-most-important in 1990, and the second-most-important in 1992. In 1993, the controversial "Austria First!" initiative attempted to collect signatures for a referendum on immigration restrictions and asserted that "Austria is not a country of immigration."^[81] The party also maintained that "the protection of cultural identity and social peace in Austria requires a stop to immigration," maintaining that its concern was not against foreigners, but to safeguard the interests and cultural identity of native Austrians.^[82] Although during the late 1990s the party attacked the influence of radical Islam, this was later expanded to include "Islamisation" and the increasing number of Muslims in general.^[83] According to The Economist, the hostility to Muslims is "a strategy that resonates with voters of Serbian background, whom the party has assiduously cultivated."^[84]

  Útlendingahatarar, segja menn.  ... Jæja.  Ég vissi ekki að Serbía væri hérað í Austurríki.

  Þetta hefur eitthvað með Islam að gera.  Gömlu, hefðbundnu Nazistarnir voru alltaf mjög hrifnir af Islam.  Og öfugt.  Þetta voru keimlík kerfi.  Ekki auðsundurþekkjanleg.

During the period of ÖVP-FPÖ government, many amendments were introduced to tighten the country's immigration policies.^[3] The number of new asylum applications, for example, was reduced from 32,000 in 2003 to 13,300 in 2006.^[85]

Heimat

From the mid-1980s, the concept of Heimat (a word meaning both "the homeland" and a more general notion of cultural identity) has been central to the ideology of the FPÖ, although its application has slightly changed with time. Initially, Heimat indicated the feeling of national belonging influenced by a pan-Germanic vision; the party assured voters in 1985 that "the overwhelming majority of Austrians belong to the German ethnic and cultural community." Although it was noted then that Austria was the mother country which held the national traditions, this would later be favoured more explicitly over the pan-German concept.^[82] In 1995 Haider declared an end to pan-Germanism in the party, and in the 1997 party manifesto the former community of "German people" was replaced with the "Austrian people".^[86] Under the leadership of Strache, the concept of Heimat has been promoted and developed more deeply than it had been previously.^[87] After his reelection as chairman in 2011, the German aspects of the party's programme were formally reintroduced.^[88]

Foreign policy

At the end of the Cold War, the FPÖ became more eurosceptic, which was reflected by its change from pan-Germanism to Austrian patriotism.^[34] The party's opposition to the European Union grew stronger in the 1990s. The FPÖ opposed Austria's joining the EU in 1994, and promoted a popular initiative against the replacement of the Austrian schilling with the Euro in 1998, but to no avail. Owing to perceived differences between Turkish and European culture, the party opposes the accession of Turkey to the EU; it has declared that should this happen, Austria must immediately leave the EU.^[89]

The party's views on the United States and the Middle East have evolved over time. Despite the anti-American views of some right-wing forums in the 1970s and 1980s (that chiefly were rooted in worries over US cultural expansion and hegemonic role in world politics at the expense of Europe), the FPÖ were more positively inclined towards the United States under Haider's leadership in the late 1980s and 1990s. However, this changed in 2003 following Haider visiting Saddam Hussein on the eve of the Iraq War; he subsequently condemned US foreign policy and derided George W. Bush for not being very different from Hussein. This move was strongly criticised by the FPÖ, which was part of the then-current government. Nevertheless, in the mid- to late 2000s the FPÖ too criticised US foreign policy as promoted by Bush, which it saw as leading to increased levels of violence in the Middle East. The party also became more critical of Israel's part in the Israel-Palestine conflict.^[90]

By 2010, under Heinz-Christian Strache's leadership, the party became more friendly towards Israel. In December 2010 the FPÖ (along with the representatives of like-minded rightist parties) visited Israel, where they issued the "Jerusalem Declaration", which affirmed Israel's right to exist and defend itself, particularly against Islamic terror.^[91][92][93] At the FPÖ's invitation, Israeli Deputy Minister Ayoob Kara of the Likud party subsequently visited Vienna.^[94] Strache, at about the same time, said he wanted to meet with the front figures of the American Tea Party movement (which he described as "highly interesting").^[93][95] He has also declared himself "a friend of the Serbs", who constitute one of the largest immigrant groups in Austria.^[96] Siding with Serbia, the FPÖ rejects the independence of Kosovo.^[96]

Presently the FPÖ advocates the introduction of a hard north Euro and a soft south Euro. ^[97]

Nazistar?  Nei.

International relations

While the FPÖ is currently not a member of any European or international organisations, the party has ties with several European political parties and groupings. From 1978 to 1993, under the party's liberal leadership, the party was a member of the Liberal International.^[10] In the early years of Haider's leadership, meetings were held with figures such as Jean-Marie Le Pen of the French National Front and Franz Schönhuber of the German Republicans.^[98] In the late 1990s he however chose to distance himself from Le Pen, and refused to join Le Pen's EuroNat project. Following the FPÖ's entrance in government in 2000, Haider sought to establish his own alliance of right-wing parties. For his project, Haider tried to establish stable cooperations with the Vlaams Blok party in Belgium and the Lega Nord party in Italy, as well as some other parties and party groupings. In the end, the efforts to establish a new alliance of parties were not successful.^[99]

Under the leadership of Strache, the party has cooperated mainly with the Vlaams Belang (successor to the Vlaams Blok, which it has traditionally maintained good ties with),^[100]and the Pro Germany Citizens' Movement in Germany.^[101][102] The FPÖ also has contacts with the Swiss People's Party, the Danish People's Party, the Slovak National Party, theSweden Democrats, the Dutch Party for Freedom, Alternative for Germany and the German Freedom party.^{[102][103][104][105]} In 2007, the party's then-only MEP was a member of the short-lived Identity, Tradition and Sovereignty grouping in the European Parliament.^[102] Outside the EU, it has contacts with Ayoob Kara of the Israeli Likud, Tomislav Nikolićof the Serbian Progressive Party (formerly of the Serbian Radical Party),^{[96][105][106]} the U.S. Republican Party^{[citation needed]} and the United Russia party.^[105] At a conference in 2011, Strache and the new leader of the French National Front, Marine Le Pen, announced deeper cooperation between their parties.^[107] Shortly thereafter, the FPÖ attempted to become a member of the Europe for Freedom and Democracy group, but was vetoed by some of its parties.^[100] The FPÖ's two MEPs are individual members of the establishing European Alliance for Freedom.^[108][109]

Þessi gaur og hans flokkur eru í alvörunni til hægri, og það sem meira er, virðast ekki vera algjörir hálfvitar.

Þetta geta ekki hugsanlega verið Nazisatr, vegna þess að þeir eru ekkert á móti Ísrael, er í nöp við Islam, og finnst einhverjir Slavar bara alveg OK.  Svo virðast þeir ekkert kæra sig um að sameina Evrópu heldur, og eru í einkavæðingu, sem ég fæ ekki séð að eigi neitt sameiginlegt með einkavæðingunni hér heima. (Sem á meira sameiginlegt með nazisma.)

Það er ekki að undra að maðurinn, og hans flokkur þyki mestu öfga fyrirbæri hér á landi, þar sem Bernie Sanders þætti of liberal fyrir sjálfstæðisflokkinn.

Austurríkismenn mega vera sáttir við þetta.

Öfgahægrimaður með forskot

Athugasemdir

[Einar Steinsson, 23.5.2016 kl. 18:26]

Í gegnum tíðina hefur Norbert Hofer gælt ítrekað við neo-nazisma, margir félagar hans í FPÖ flokknum í Vínarborg heilsast úti á götu með kveðju sem líkist nazistakveðu en er nógu langt frá henni til að það sé ekki hægt að hanka þá en nazistakveðjan er bönnuð með lögum í Austurríki. Það sem líklega hefur gert útslagið með að hann var ekki kosinn er að hann var staðin að því að ljúga blákalt í beinni útsendingu í sjónvarpi rétt fyrir kosningar.

Ein ástæðan fyrir að hann náði samt svona góðum árangri er að keppinauturinn Alexander Van der Bellen er líka mjög umdeildur og hefur í gegnum tíðina farið afskaplega mikið í taugarnar á mörgum Austurríkismönnum, samkvæmt könnunum kaus um þriðjungur Hofer gagngert til að koma í veg fyrir að hann næði kjöri.

[Ásgrímur Hartmannsson, 24.5.2016 kl. 17:43]

Merkilegt.

Á pappírunum er enginn af þessum mönnum nazisti.  Er "ný" eitthvað forskeyti sem þýðir "ekki," svona eins og "~" í rökfræði?  Eins og "nýfrjálshyggja?"

Ég skynja þessi mál þeirra í Asuturríki ekki sem eitthvað slæmt.  Þetta er nýtt, við erum að sjá þetta líka.  Píratar eru að fá fylgi, ekki satt?